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For Democrats, immigration is a political problem without a policy solution.

White backlash against mass immigration is, thus, a genuine liability for Democrats in many regions of the country (even as it is a liability for Republicans in others). But that liability can’t be eliminated by securing America’s borders.

Legal immigration produced the bulk of America’s demographic changes over the past half-century — and is poised to produce virtually all of those forecast for the coming decades. This is why the Republican Party’s most overt enthno-nationlists (i.e. Congressman Steve King and White House policy adviser Stephen Miller ) are so eager to slash legal inflows. And yet, even the White House’s radical immigration reform bill wouldn’t actually reverse existing demographic trends . The relatively low birthrates of white, native-born Americans are enough to ensure that this country continues to diversify in the coming decades.

All of which is to say: Survey data, history, and basic chronology all suggest that the rise of nativism in the Republican Party — and the defection of non-college-educated whites from the Democratic Party — cannot be attributed to a deepening crisis of illegal immigration. To the extent that these developments are a response to the objective consequences of immigration policy over the past two decades (as opposed to media narratives about the same), they are a response to the steady growth in America’s nonwhite, foreign-born population.

And Democrats cannot stymie such growth by rallying behind stricter rules for asylum, or more border security funding, or even Trump’s border wall. To change the objective conditions fueling Trumpism, they would need to embrace restrictionist policies even more extreme than Stephen Miller’s — a prospect that is neither ideologically nor politically tenable for Democratic officeholders.

This said, the party could try to ameliorate the subjective conditions fueling its struggles with culturally conservative whites. Democratic candidates — especially those in predominantly white, rural areas — might be wise to moderate rhetorically on immigration (or else, to say as little on the subject as possible, as Conor Lamb did in Pennsylvania earlier this year). And some such candidates would plausibly benefit from taking heterodox, hard-line positions on immigration policy (to signal their independence from their “amnesty” and “sanctuary city” loving co-partisans).

But there’s little reason to think that the Democratic Party, as a whole, would benefit from pursuing that kind of triangulation. For one thing, Democratic voters have never been more liberal on immigration than they are now (nor, for that matter, is the rest of the non-Trumpist portion of the electorate). And the Democrats have rarely been more dependent on the votes of immigrant communities — or the mobilization efforts of immigrant advocacy organizations —than they are today.

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Operations and Technology

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Vittoria Veronesi is Lecturer of Operations and Technology at SDA Bocconi School of Management. She is Adjunct Professor of Technology, Innovation and Operations Management and Business Strategy in Creative Industries at Bocconi University.

At SDA Bocconi, she is Director of the Master of Management in Food and Beverage, Director of the Eni Program for Management Development, Director of the ABB Passport Program and of the Executive Program in Supply Chain Management. She is Official Faculty Member at MAFED (Master in Fashion Experience and Design), at MFB (Master of Management in Food Beverage) and at MBA (Luxury Business Management track). She conducted numerous research and training projects with companies belonging to the fashion, luxury and food beverage sector.

Her research activities focus on supply chain management strategy and design and on operations management. Recently, she is deepening one key issue: supply chain management in manufacturing companies (fashion, food and beverage).

She is the author of numerous books and articles on the subject. Her works have been published in Economia Management and Logistica Management , among others. She works with the research centre CRITOM (Centro di Ricerca in Innovation, Technology and Operations Management) of the Istituto di Economia e Gestione delle Imprese and with SPACE (Centro Europeo per gli Studi sulla Protezione Aziendale). She has been member of the Board of Directors of Zeroquattro Logistica S.r.l., a company that offers integrated logistics services to the fresh food market. In July 2015, she attended the GloColl, the Global Colloquium on participant-centered learning, at Harvard Business School.

Vittoria earned a Degree in Civil Engineer from the University of Brescia, a Master in Economics and Environmental Management from Bocconi University and a Ph.D. in Logistics and Supply Chain Management from the University of Bergamo, in collaboration with the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT, Boston) and the Zaragoza Logistic Centre (Spain).

Master of Management in Food Beverage

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Vittoria Veronesi

vittoria.veronesi@unibocconi.it

Tel. +39 02 5836.3185 - 3057 Fax. 02-5836.6893

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Vittoria Veronesi

Via Bocconi 8, room 223 20136 MILANO

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Il Partito della Nazione riprende quota?

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La situazione che va delineandosi dopo le prime consultazioni “ufficiali” delle delegazioni dei partiti a Montecitorio , ma già ancor prima si era intuita nella pausa pasquale, è quella che vede sostanzialmente tre ipotesi per la formazione di un governo, più altre due che sembrano però solo di “appoggio” da giocarsi al tavolo delle trattative.

Montecitorio

I vincoli posti dal M5S sono l’assenza di Berlusconi e -con meno convinzione- di Renzi.

vincoli Berlusconi Renzi.
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In ordine di più alte possibilità realizzative iniziamo con quella che vede un governo Lega - Cinque Stelle guidato da un mister x che non sia né Salvini né Di Maio che però avrebbero un ruolo chiave nell’esecutivo; questa soluzione permetterebbe ad entrambi di salvare la faccia e di governare.

Lega - Cinque Stelle mister x

La seconda ipotesi vede sempre la stessa configurazione con però Di Maio o Salvini premier . In questo caso però le probabilità di una guida a trazione grillina sarebbero moto più alte , perché senza Berlusconi Salvini vale circa la metà di Di Maio.

Di Maio o Salvini premier trazione grillina sarebbero moto più alte

La terza possibilità è quella di un accordo Cinque Stelle Pd , ma è molto improbabile perché ci sarebbe numeri molto risicati anche in presenza di Renzi ed avrebbe più che altro un mero valore negoziale per Di Maio.

accordo Cinque Stelle Pd

La quarta è di un governo tecnico del presidente per andare al voto cambiando la legge elettorale e rimettendo un premio di maggioranza.

governo tecnico del presidente

In tutto questo si può notare che il grande escluso è Silvio Berlusconi con la sua Forza Italia e Renzi con il Partito Democratico.

grande escluso è Silvio Berlusconi con la sua Forza Italia e Renzi con il Partito Democratico.

Tuttavia Berlusconi è più debole di Renzi che vuole invece stare all’opposizione mentre l’ex cavaliere, avendo comunque vinto le elezioni, no.

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